Note : Article are wholly
copied from the part of Kinta Valley - pioneering Malaysia's modern development by Khoo Salma Nasution & Abdur-Razzaq
Lubis. Published by Perak Academy
THE INDIGENOUS MINERS in Perak were the Orang Asli and the Malays. As Perak formed part of the natural sphere of influence
of the Siamese as well as the 'rantau' of Mandailings, these groups have also been mining there for several hundred years.
So peculiarly is Kinta a mining district, that even the Sakais of the hills do a little mining to get some tin and wherewith
to buy the choppers and sarongs which the Malays sell to them at an exorbitant price. (1) (Hale)
As the Orang
Asli communities living near Gopeng and other urban centres came into contact with migrants, many of them turned to tin-mining
for cash. In the 1920s, a famous Orang Asli mining community emerged at Teaw Batu or Sungei Batu, The Orang Asli worked lampan
mines called kelit and sold the tin to Malim Nawar.(2) (Edo). The Orang Asli who lived around Tanjong Tualang started
working for dredging companies in the 1930s, even though they regretted the destruction caused by these machines to their
The earliest mines in Kinta were known as Lombong Siam, meaning 'Siamese mines'.
They were not made using a local method of exploitation; even the Malays interviewed during the 19th century regarded them
as foreign. The Lombong Siam method corresponds to a description of 18th century mining in Perak given by Baron von Wurmb
When work was done in the valleys, the surface to be mined was cleared of large
trees, roots, and rocks. Shafts were then dug to a depth of seven or eight feet. After a deposit of tin was found, it was
washed and separated from the sand by water which was carried from springs to the mines through hollow logs. If there were
no springs in the vicinity, wells were dug and the water from these used to wash the ore. (3) (Andaya) .
A considerable group of Lombong Siam were found in
Lahat, where Abraham Hale discovered
...at least fifty deep well-like pits on Lahat hill,
averaging about eight feet diameter and perhaps twenty feet deep. (1) (Hale)
The biggest example of a Lombong Siam,
found in virgin forest 'further upcountry', was a pit about fifty feet in diameter and over twenty feet deep.(1) (Hale), who
was certainly on the ground as an Inspector of Mines in Kinta said that, besides the ones mentioned,
... at many places extensive workings are continually brought to light as the country is opened up, and these appear to
have been left undisturbed for at least a hundred years. (1) (Hale)
Circular pits, narrower than the ones in Lahat,
were also uncovered in Changkat Kantan, Tronoh and elsewhere. (4) (Wong). Unfortunately, the ancient mines, found in
places with the richest ore, were the first to be excavated. Evidence of the Lombong Siam in Lahat was also destroyed when
the mines were subsequently worked over by the French Tin Mining Company.
The most common
Malay method of mining was called lampan. De la Croix observed it in 1881.
prefer mountain mines called "lampang". These workings are situated near a stream or torrent which provide the necessary water
to wash the earth. It consists of one or several narrow trenches, parallel to the stream and joined to it at both ends so
that one can get a certain volume of water. The trench is widened little by little and the earth is simply thrown to the bottom;
the current, operating a natural washing process, carries away the light parts. From time to time, the valuable deposits are
scooped out and undergo a final washing process on a flat surface. This mechanical process is rather easy, owing to the size
of tin grains, more abundant on mountain-sides than in the plains. Hence, this "lampang" method is considerably more productive
when miners have the good fortune to find a rich area. In these operations, 5 or 6 Malays enter into a partnership, rarely
more. (5) (De la Croix)
At Kampong Snudong (Senudong), on the western slope of Bujang Malacca, de la Croix observed
a Malay mine worked on 'entirely native principle':
Small canals have been brought
from the river and run at the foot of the different cuttings. The ground is cut down and thrown in those canals and dressed
like in a sluice-box, the height of the face is from 10 to 15 feet; when the ground has been stripped to the level of the
water, it is divided into small rectangular lots, 30 feet long by 15 wide, round which the canals are made to late, these
lots are ultimately worked out, but not at a greater depth than 5 feet below the water mark. These mines are worked by the
owners, or by strangers who obtain from them a permit to dig, provided
they remit one-third, one-sixth, or one-half of the
product, according to the richness of the soil. (5)
(De la Croix)
The most detailed account of Malay mining has been given by W. E. Everit, Inspector of Mines, Federation
of Malaya, in 1952. It is not an observer's account, but a technical description which makes good use of the Malay mining
glossary supplied in 1885 by Hale, who collected his terms from both Malay and Mandailing miners, but did not make a clear
distinction between the two. Everitt's text, quoting at length:
Malay miners used a ground sluicing "lampan" method of mining and
started their operations by cutting ditches from the nearest river. The ditches were widened and the earth thrown into the
stream of water flowing in the ditch. This was known as "isi parit" and was followed by "mengumbei" - stirring dirt in the
small ditch or race, in order to break up the lumps of clay and liberate the stones. The stones were lifted out of the ditch
in a basket "meraga batu" and the sand and ore driven downstream - "me-longga parit". A "pengayuh" (large wooden spand with
a handle similar to a paddle) was used to drive the tin-bearing drift sand down the races - "bertunda". “batu kachau"
- small stones placed in the ditch alternatively on the left and right created ripples in the flow and small dams “panggul"
were placed across the ditches to retain the heavier sand containing the ore. A small oval wooden tray called a "dendulang"
or "peraup" about 18 inches long and 9 inches to 12 inches wide was used to lift the partially concentrated heavy sand, retained
by the "panggul", from the ditches into the "palong". This process was known as "me-raup". The heavy sand was washed in a
sluice box - "palong" (the word is used to-day throughout Malaya for the sluice boxes used on the Chinese mines and on some
of the European dredges) which was made out of a tree trunk about 8 ft. long, split down in the middle and hollowed out. The
process of washing the ore in the "palong" was called "me-malong" and the final cleaning ("pandei" or "memandei") was done
in a similar "palong" about 5 ft. long. Where possible a cascade of water ("panchur") was used to break up lumps of stiff
clay containing tin-ore. In this manner the ground was washed, concentrated and dressed. The ditches were seldom more than
ten to fifteen feet deep - limiting the height of the faces worked, to the same extent. When the ground had been stripped
down to water level, the surface was divided by ditches into rectangular lots about 30 ft. long by 15 ft. wide. The water
was circulated round these lots which were worked in the same manner as before. Depending upon the water run off, it was sometimes
possible to mine the ground to a depth of about five feet below the original water level; but seldom deeper than this. (6)
The ore bearing drift was known as "ambil" or "tanah ambil" and is called the "karang" by the Chinese
The "tanah padi" or earth immediately below the top inch or two of mould "kulit
akar" sometimes contained tin-ore, while the valueless overburden was called "tanah papas". The bedrock or valueless clay
stratum below the "ambil" was known as "tangloh" or "batu ampar". A "pen-chubak", a digging tool made of iron with a wooden
handle or a "pen-chubak kayu", an all wooden spade, was used for digging the ditches and throwing the earth into the races.
Sometimes it was possible to use water power to throw down the earth into the sluicing pole ("kait") was used for lifting
or earth from an excavation; the "kait ayer" with a
single movement - straight lift - was used for lifting water only, while the "kait raga" with a straight lift and then a swinging
movement to one side, was used for lifting earth
only. A "penimba" or "penimba chuak", made of bark, was sometimes used for bailing the water out of an excavation. The Malay
miners had no other means of keeping the excavations dry and where the seepage was heavy or a sudden rush of water flooded
the mine, operations were terminated. The small excavation was known as "ludang" and could be baled with a "penimba", a "kait".
"Kelian" was the general name for a mine. The tin sand was known as "biji", while the derivatives "biji anak", "biji ibu",
"biji mati" and "biji tahi" was used for crystalline cassiterite, lode tin, dull ores and light ores (wolfram, tourmaline,
etc.) The head-race of a mine was known as the "tali-ayer" and the "snak" ("suak gunong" or "suak redang") the sources of
the head-race. (6) (Everitt)
The mine was owned by the "tuan tanah" or "tuan
kelian" and he employed "anak kelian" - Malay miners. All the ditches on the mine were directed into a tail race "batang hari
kelian" and all the tin sand which reached the tail race was the property of the mine owner. The miners paid a "hasil kelian"
or tax to the mine owner. This tax was usually one sixth of the output from the excavations "tebok" and "ludang" and one third
of the output from hill mining "leris". All the tin sand washed up from the "parit" was the property of the "anak kelian",
after he had paid the "hasil kelian". (6) (Everitt)
The principles of Malay alluvial mining were later applied
by Chinese miners and European miners, but the techniques were vastly improved. E.R. Pike, Inspector of Mines at Kinta, in
1893, suggested that lampanning was a method in which
land containing a very small
quantity of ore can be washed at a profit; and was in fact, similar to hydraulicing used in California. (7) (Pike)
the Malays used a sluice box (palong) made from a hollowed-out half of a tree trunk, Chinese carpenters with their joinery
skills were able to fashion a more or less waterproof sluice box out of planks. The palong remained one of the most widely-used
means of concentrating ore in the 20th century.
When Hale was writing in the 1880s, evidence of old
Malay workings were 'everywhere to be found.' (1) (Hale) In the early 1890s, Pike assessed the extensiveness of these
Malays in mining do not look for tin at great depths, but generally confine
themselves to the high land at the foot of the big hills. They begin by diverting a stream, and, when it is possible, running
it at a height and allowing it to drop on to the face they want to work. ... A very large tract of country has been mined
in this way (lampan) by Malays, and from bits of ground which are now left standing, it may be judged that at least five square
miles of country, with a depth of from 15 to 40 feet, have been washed away. In most cases tin
in large quantities has been found deeper down
and underneath the high ground formerly worked by Malays. (7) (Pike).
Like the Lombong Siam, no physical evidence
of former Malay mines are known to remain today. Through the systematic exploitation of more recent times, the Malay lampan
areas on raised ground would have all been mined over, if they were not sooner weathered away.
Malay ancestral mines
From the beginning, tin was the most important source of revenue for Perak. In establishing the government policy regarding
tin mining, the Perak State Council ruled that all tin-bearing land was state reserve, and all existing mines were deemed
to be state owned subject to bona fide claims of ownership of private mines. As this issue was likely to raise
concern among the claimants the Resident of Perak broached the subject in person.
At an assembly of the principal people in Kinta, in the house of Che
Anda Tejah, in 1877, the Resident informed the owners of mines, many of whom were present, that [no] owner would be entitled
to prevent another person from working it on his agreeing to pay a fair royalty to the proprietor unless the owner preferred
to work it himself... (8) (Wilkinson).
In 1879, royalties (hasil tanah) were fixed by the Perak State Council
at $2 per bhara (bahara). This royalty was collected in the form of 'drawback', as the full export duty and royalties
customs house. (8) (Wilkinson)
That year, the Magistrate and Collector H.W.C. Leech make out a register of all the
mines in Kinta considered to be private property. Claims would be strictly investigated before any royalty could be
Very few of these claimants can show any grants or documentary evidence of title,
yet the right to the land is acknowledged by the Penghulus and the people of the district and in some cases the boundaries
are very well known (8) (Wilkinson).
Several cases were brought to court in which private claims clashed. The
Perak government resumed the land at 'Klian Piah’ after paying as compensation 'the amount for which the present
claimants say their father bought it.' (6) (Everitt)
In 1884, regulations were framed by the Perak State Council
dealing with and determining the claims of Malays to mining lands. This was 'a difficult question which had given much trouble,
especially in Kinta’. (Annual Report, Perak 1884) The task fell upon Hale, one of the first mining inspectors
stationed in Kinta, who was afterward commended by Low for having
well in demarcating ancestral Malay mines. a work which requires great tact, patience and judgement” (8) (Wilkinson).
In the course of his investigations, Hale also charted
out the genealogy of the Datoh Panglima Kinta, and made a full pedigree of the two families of the Kinta succession. (Annual
Report, Perak 1886). Indeed, Hale was one of the first observers of the cultural practices asst indigenous mining in Kinta,
which he documented in a short article “On Mines and Miners in Kinta, Perak,” compiling more than 100 terms
associated with Malay and Mandailing mining. He also collected 49 stone implements in the Kinta district, which made up the
largest contribution at the time to the collection of the Perak Museum. (Annual Report, Perak 1887). At the end of 1885,
Hale was able to say that,
There are in the district nearly five hundred registered mines, of three are worked by European Companies, the rest
being private mines, i.e., mines, claimed by Malays, which have been worked by them and their ancestors for an indefinite
period, or new mines, in other words new concessions given indifferently on application to Malays and Chinese. There are about
three hundred and fifty private Malay mines.. (1) (Hale).
As both Chinese and Sumatrans miners took out new concessions,
their number soon outstripped the number of 'proven' ancestral mines. Initially, Malay ancestral mines were exempted from
regulations whereby mining land left unworked for more than six months would be reappropriated by the state. However, under
the Mingin Code of 1895, the right to ancestral mining lands could be forfeited if not exercised for more than two years.
(Perak Government Gazette 1895). By then, practically all the so-called 'Malay mines' were in fact leased to Chinese
miners who, being relatively more productive as tin miners, were able to generate higher royalties for the owners.
pawang as prospector
The Malays were the first to recognize the presence of tin on the peninsula. According to
de la Croix, they could distinguish between different types of ores, ranging from ordinary brown opaque cassiterite to white
translucent oxides, and between tin ore and other substances such as iron ore and tourmaline, which were often found nest
to it, and that was by
applying pressure with one's teeth on a grain of the unknown
ore; if the grain does not break, it is tin oxide. (5) (De la Croix).
De la Croix could not help but notice that,
despite the Malays' longer experience of tin-mining, they were quickly overtaken by the Chinese in the field.
Unfortunately for them, the complete absence of industrial genius makes them unsuitable for large-scale mining operations;
therefore, they prefer to give up to the Chinese the fruits of their discoveries and content themselves with some rudimentary
workings on river beds, mountain sides or higher parts of the plains where sudden rises of water levels rarely occur. (5)
(De la Croix)
Early Malay mining and prospecting, far from being a purely economic activity, was infused with
all sorts of beliefs.
that the tin ore was alive, moving about under the ground in the form of a buffalo. It was born of the lode tin, called ibu
timah, the tin's mother, and because of its special powers, it was necessary that certain people have control over mining
operations. These were the Malay pawang, who not only divined the tin but were also possessed of special powers which enabled
them to placate the spirits (hantu) of the mine in order that the mineral could be extracted. (3) (Andaya).
Malay pawang was a specialist in prospecting, and also had the monopoly over smelting. For a while, Chinese miners relied
on Malay pawangs to search for tin deposits:
...although the Malay pawang may squeeze a hundred or perhaps two hundred dollars
out of the Chinese towkay who comes to mine for tin in Malaya, the money is not perhaps badly invested, for the Chinaman is
no prospector, whereas a good Malay pawang has a wonderful 'nose' for tin... (1) (Hale)
The pawang, like the collectors
of forest products such as camphor and gutta percha, had a special vocabulary called 'bahasa pantang'. The pawang's professional
duties consisted of performing the required ceremonies for a fee, as well as enforcing certain rules and levying customary
fines whenever they were breached. Everitt described the pawang's role based on Hale's accounts.
When a mine was first opened up, the "pawang" erected a "geng-gulang" - a kind of wooden altar made entirely of "kayu
sungkei", with a platform about 3 ft. above the ground, railed on three sides and a ladder from the ground to the platform
on the fourth side. He then called upon the tutelary "hantu" of the locality to assist the enterprise. For this the "pawang"
demanded a fee "tating gulang" of one karong of tin sand. Instead of the "geng-gulang", the "pawang", at the request of the
miners, would erect a "kepala nasi", which was cheaper and only cost one "gantang" of tin sand. An "ancha", which consisted
of a square wooden frame, was used as an altar and hung in the smelting house. Offerings to the spirits of the mine were made
on these altars by the miners. The offerings consisted of sweet woods and gums burnt in a "perasap" or "sangka", - usually
a half coconut shell or split bamboo open at one end.
During the ceremonies the "paivang" always wore black and
assumed certain attitudes when he was invoking the spirits of the mine. No other person was permitted to wear a black coat
or assume these attitudes under penalty of a fine "hukum pawang" of $12.50.
Elephants and buffaloes were not
allowed on a mine for fear of damage to the ditches and dams and therefore their names could not be mentioned for fear of
offending the spirits: the elephant was called "ber-olak tinggi" instead of "gajah" and the water buffalo "sial" instead of
"kerbau". Cats were called "ber-olak dapor" and not allowed on the mine and lime fruit called "salah nama" for the same reason.
"Belachan" (shrimp paste) was also prohibited for fear of people introducing limes, which were invariably used in the preparation
of food with "belachan".
Raw cotton was not allowed on a mine and the miner's pillow
was usually soft wood. Gambling and quarrelling were forbidden An offence against these rules was punished by a fine of $12.50.
eating and drinking vessels were of coconut shell or wood -the noise of earthenware or glass was offensive to the "hantu".
The "palong" was prepared in the jungle, far from the mine, as the noise of wood chopping would disturb the "hantu" - a fine
of $12.50 was imposed for this offence.
No miner could wear another man's trousers nor work in a "sarong" (fine one
karong of tin sand). Charcoal was not allowed to fall into the water races and no miner was permitted to carry a weapon and
no coat could be worn inside the smelting house (fine $12.50).
If the "chupak" (measure) of the mine were broken, it had to be replaced within three days (fine one bahara of tin).
post of the smelting house could not be cut or hacked (fine one slab of tin). An unsheathed kris or spear had to be covered
in leaves. No person might cross a race in which a miner was sluicing, without going some distance upstream; penalty for this
was as much tin sand as the race contained at the moment. The “pawang" adjudicated in all quarrels and all cases of
thieving. On the death of any miner, his comrades each paid one "chupak" of tin sand to the "pawang."
was not just a technique; it was based on a belief system and a certain understanding of nature. As Hale put it,
The Malay miner has peculiar ideas about tin and its properties; the first instance he believes that it is under
protection and command of certain spirits whom he considers it necessary to propitiate; next he considers that the tin itself
is alive and has any of the properties of living matter, that of its own volition can move from place to place, that it can
reproduce itself, and that it has special likes - or perhaps affinities - for certain people and things and visa-versa. Hence
it is advisable to treat tin-ore with a certain amount of respect, to consult its convenience, id what is, perhaps more curious,
to conduct the business of mining in such a way that the tin ore may, as it were, be obtained without its own knowledge! (1)
No doubt, Chinese miners also adopted some of the Malay beliefs and taboos associated with mining. In
1928, the geologist Scrivenor, touched on one of these beliefs.
Malays call (cassiterite)
concentrates "bijeh", and apply the same name to heavy concentrates such as ilmenite, qualifying them as "unripe" because
they will not yield tin. The Chinese (Kheh) term for tin-ore is "Shak mee", and the less educated Chinese still think that
cassiterite grows in the ground and in amang. The idea of its growing in the ground is the result of faulty or insufficient
prospecting in the past and perhaps of improved methods of working. In amang the percentage of cassiterite does actually increase
if heaps of it are exposed to rain, because the lighter minerals are gradually washed away. (9) (Scrivenor).
The first known Mandailing
miners in Kinta were those brought by Kulop Riao or his father to Jelentoh near Gopeng. In view of the location, it is most
likely that they practised lampanning by diverting hill streams.
The second large group of Mandailing miners came to
Kinta around 1875 under the leadership of Raja Asal. They brought with them experience gained from decades of gold mining
in the Mandailing homeland and Raub, Pahang, as well as tin-mining in Klang, Selangor. In the latter context, they had also
picked up mining and smelting techniques from Chinese miners in Selangor. During the Mandailings' early years in Kinta, Raja
all the mining work and the odd jobs themselves, from the initial excavation to extracting the ore until it became tin. (10)
(Raja H M Ya’qub).
According to the Tarikh Raja Asal, the chronicle of a Mandailing mining family in Kinta,
the main methods of mining employed by the Mandailings were meludang, melereh, mencabik, menabok. (10) (Raja H M Ya’qub).
Ludang was defined by Hale as 'a small shallow excavation which can be baled with a ‘penimba chuak.' The latter
was a small bucket made of wood or bark. This method of mining was used where the layer of wash dirt was found near the surface.
Lereh was possibly the Mandailing pronunciation of the Malay leris, which meant, 'to mine on the hill.'
Melereh was probably similar to hill lampanning, that is, to sluice in the hill streams. (10) (Raja H M Ya’qub).
(chabek) means 'to tear' and probably refers to dry hill-mining. (11) (Teuku Iskander). This term does not appear in
Hale's glossary. 'Chebak' also means 'to dig with sidelong blows of a changkol (as at a bank or mine-face). (Winstedt, 1959).
the Mandailing equivalent of the Malay 'tebok’, was probably the most intensive of the four methods practised. Hale
described it rather briefly as 'an excavation larger than a ludang, and which cannot be baled with apenimba, a kait must be
erected.’ De Morgan saw such a mine at Kliang Tronong, between Papan and Lahat,
... on three sides the Malays prop the earth up with the bark of trees
held in place by vertical posts; on the fourth face, the alluvium is allowed to fall away, but the majority of localities
holds long enough to enable them to work it in steps.
Depending on the abundance of
water, draining takes place every morning before work. It is performed with the aid of buckets suspended from long levers
loaded with counterbalances. (12) (Jackson).
The kait ayer was a lever which lifted the water straight out of
the tabok mine. Another type of lever, the kait raga, lifted a basket of alluvial soil with an upward motion and
then swung it around and deposited it at some distance.
(1) (Hale). The spoil of the tabok mine would pile up near the working pit, compelling the miners to move the extracted
earth again when extending the works.
Last but not least, the Mandailing womenfolk engaged in panning for tin ore.
As Hale wrote in 1885,
... it is washed out of the sand in the river beds - a very
favourite employment with Mandheling women; Kinta natives do not affect it much, although there is more than one stream where
a good worker can earn a dollar per day... (1) (Hale).
In 1881, Errington de la Croix observed a profitable co-operation
between Mandailing and Chinese miners in Papan.
Thirteen mines are at present in full swing, and occupy five hundred men, Chinese and Malays. Klian Johan, worked
by Chinamen, is the most important of all and is probably the deepest mine in the whole State, attaining a depth of fifty
feet ... On each side of that mine, Malays are also carrying on works to the same depth, but unable themselves to put up a
proper draining apparatus, they have made with their more industrious neighbours a contract by which they are allowed to let
their water flow into the Chinese mine on condition of paying one-tenth of their whole produce. (5) (De la Croix).
'Malay miners' observed were the Sumatran, principally Mandailing, followers of Raja Bilah. De la Croix noted a Chinese
population of 234 which implies that slightly more than half the miners in Klian Johan were Sumatrans.
managed to drain the mines by using an agricultural water-wheel, of which more will be said later. The Mandailings also
applied agricultural technology to mining, building dams to harness water resources. In Papan, the Mandailing built a large
reservoir called 'Empang Besar', and the Chinese miners signed a contract with the Mandailings for the use of the water (13)
(Lubis & Khoo).
Instead of employing a Malay pawang, prospecting was done by the Mandailings themselves, who used
a tempurong or half-coconut shell to measure the ore. (13) (Lubis & Khoo). During the early 1880s, while the Chinese
were still mainly operating rather large tin mines in well-defined areas, the Mandailings, with less technical knowledge,
were probably more mobile than the Chinese and gravitated in small groups towards the more easily won deposits. (14) (Tugby).
An innovation in tin mining was introduced to Kinta at a place called Tasek (literally, pond), but later known as
Pusing (literally, to turn around). (10) (Raja H M Ta’qub). The mines here were opened by a Mandailing, Haji Zainal
Abidin, who first came to Perak in 1873. This intriguing innovation was remarked upon by the State Commissioner of Lands in
In the last year or so mining in the district has to a great extent been revolutionized.
A very large proportion of the tin is produced by small parties of miners washing the ore out of the surface soil with what
they called "Ayer pusing" -
i.e., the same water is used over and over again,
being artificially raised from a well or tank to wash the soil, the result being that ground is now worked that, a few years
since, no one would have thought of touching, and that practically all that is being done is turn the soil over - deep sub-soiling,
in fact. (Perak Government Gazette1892)
This indigenous innovation allowed tin-mines to be opened up in areas
without access to abundant water supply. According to the Tarikh Raja Asal, Raja Bilah was the largest 'Malay miner'
of his time in Kinta.
There was a place in Papan which they called One Hundred Pits
(Tabok Seratus) and Raja Bilah's mine was called the Great Mine (Lombong Besar) as it was the biggest Malay mine at the time
with hundreds of coolies all Malays. (10) (Raja H M Ya’qub)
This claim was confirmed by de Morgan, who met Raja Bilah in person during his explorations in the mid-1880s. Raja
Bilah sold his mines in 1890. By that time, most Mandailings had been edged out of mining by the large influx of Chinese miners
who came to Kinta during the second tin rush.
Weights & Measures
kati (16 tahils) ....................................... 0.625 kg
pikul (100 katis) .....................................
bharra (3 pikul) ..................................... 187.5 kg
koyang (40 pikul) ..................................
foot ........................................ about 0.30 metre
depa ............................................... 1.82 metres
53 ares and 82 centiares
Cubic measurement of earth
che-che or tao-che (Chinese measurements) 9m, 10 x 9m, 10 x
0m.36 = 29me.811
Source: de Morgan, Exploration dans la Presqu'ile Malaise royaumes de Perak et de Patani, (1886) 1993.
1. Hale, A: “On
mines and Miners in Kinta, Perak” JSBRAS Vol 68, Part 1, 1995
2. Edo, Juli: “Claiming Our Ancestors’ Land,
An Ethnohistorical Study of Seng-oi Land Right in Perak”. Australian National University, March 1998
3. Andaya, Barbara
Watson: “Perak: The Abode of Grace, a Study of an Eighteenth CenturyMalay State, OUP, 1979.
4. Wong Lin Ken: “The
Malayan Tin Industry to 1914". The University of Arizona Press, 1965
5. De la Croix, J Errington: “Some account of
the Mining Districtsof Lower Perak.” JSBRAS, No 7,June 1881.
6. Everitt, W E: A History of Mining in Perak,
7. Pike, E R: ”Mining in Perak, Straits Settlements,” TMAIC, Vol 3, Camborne, 1892.
R J: Papers on Malay Subjects, OUP 1971
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